During the Great Depression, women accounted for 25% of the workforce, but their jobs were more unstable, temporary or seasonal than men, and the unemployment rate was much higher. There was a decided bias in the cultural sphere and that "women do not work" and in fact many of those who were employed full time, often called "housewives". Neither men in the world of work, unions, or any other branch of government are ready to accept the reality of working women, and that damage caused femalesintense distress during the Great Depression.
The 1930 was particularly difficult for single, divorced or widowed, but it is even more difficult for women who were not white. Black women had to overcome stereotypes, both sexual and racial. Northern black women has been an impressive 42.9% unemployment, while 23.2%. White women were unemployed according to the census of 1937. In the South, the two women in black and white were also unemployed at 26%. In contrast, the unemployment ratefor men in black and white in the North (38.9% / 18.1%) and South (18% / 16%, respectively) were lower than their female counterparts.
The financial situation was bleak even in Harlem, before the Great Depression. But then, the emerging class of black labor in the North has been decimated by layoffs of large industrial workers Noire. Being black and a woman alone, without keeping a job or find another almost impossible. Work racial hierarchy women replaced black or waitressdomestic work, white women, so desperate for work and willing to take steep pay cuts.
Survival entrepreneurs
Early depression, and one study found that homeless women are more likely service and factory workers, domestic workers, textile workers, boys and beauty, another suggested that industry beauty has been a major source of income for black women. These women, later known as the "survival entrepreneurs" became autonomous in responsedesperate need for some form of independent living. "
Replaced by white women in the more traditional domestic work as cooks, waitresses, nurses, laundresses, even skilled and educated black women were so desperate,''which was actually offered their services markets ", called" blocks Slave where Negro women gathered waiting white housewives who came every day to present their offers and pay down withdrawal''(Boyd, 2000, citing Drake and Cayton, 1945/1962: 246). Furthermore,Service Home Interiors has been very difficult if not impossible, to coordinate with family responsibilities, as is usually the Maid of guardia''circa''l'orologio and was subject to potere''arbitrario individual employers. '
Inn Keepers and hairdressers
Two occupations were sought by women of color to address both the need for income (or articles of barter) and their domestic responsibilities in northern cities during the Great Depression: (1)board and lodging house keeping, and (2) hair and beauty culture.
During the "Great Migration" of 1915-1930, thousands of Southern blacks, mostly young, single men, facing the northern cities in search of places of temporary residence while seeking housing and jobs . The hosting of these migrants created opportunities for working-class Black women, and now unemployed to pay the rent.
According to one estimate,''at least one third of famiglie''Nerourban North had tenants or boarders during the Great Migration (Thomas, 1992:93, citing Henry, 1976). The need was so great, most residents have been accommodated by taking a survey of families in Northern black report inquilini''settantacinque percent of black households have so many who are actually hotels.''
Women are usually the center of these layers of family networks and communities within the black community:
"They help intrapreso''la most carico''dinewcomers find temporary housing. Women Role svolto''un North leadership''nel connective black community, not only because it was considered traditional "women's work", but also because, taking in boarders and lodgers helped women balance work Black home with informal income-producing activity (Grossman 1989:133). In addition, boarding and lodging house keeping is often combined with other types of self-employment. Some black women who have kept residents and tenants also obtainedmoney making artificial flowers and shades at home. "(Boyd, 2000)
During 1890-1940,''barbers and parrucchieri''sono been the largest segment of the population of blacks, who together represent approximately one third of the population in 1940 (Boyd, 2000 Oak mentioning, 1949:48) .
"Blacks tend to gravitate to professions such as white barbers, hairdressers and beauticians are willing or able to style the hair of blacks or for the preparation of hairand cosmetics used by them. Thus, Black barbers, hairdressers, beauticians and had desires of consumers un''mercato on protette''basato White entitled "The social distance from Blacks and needs of Black consumers. Therefore, these black entrepreneurs have been protected from outside competition and monopolize the cultural beauty and hairdressing trades within their communities.
Black women who sought employment believes that his appearance was a crucial factor in researchjobs. Black self-help in the northern cities, such as Urban League and the National Council of Negro Women, stressed the importance of good grooming for newcomers in the southern black women, advising them to have clean hair and clean nails when seeking employment. Especially, the women said they avoid making public antipolvere''in stracci''testa''e''cappucci (Boyd, 2000, citing Drake and Cayton, 1945/1962: 247, 301; Grossman, 1989:150 -151).
These warnings have beenparticularly important for those seeking secretarial work or white collar, black women needed to smooth hair and light skin to have a chance to obtain these positions. Despite difficult times, beauty salons and barbershops were the most numerous and vital Black-owned businesses to black communities (e. g., Boyd, 2000, citing Drake and Cayton, 1945/1962 :450-451).
Black women entrepreneurs in the urban North also opened shops and restaurants, with modest savings''as a means of ensuring a life''(Boyd, 2000, citing Frazier, 1949:405). Chiamato''imprese depression,''these companies are often considered marginal individual entrepreneurs, although they tend to operate from da''case, basements, and old buildings''(Boyd, 2000, citing Drake and Cayton , 1945/1962: 454).
"The grocery stores and eating and drinking places were the most common of these companies, because otherwise, their owners could still live theirstocks.
"The White Protestants Only"
These companies are a necessity for women of color, as the preference for hiring whites has risen sharply during the Depression. In Philadelphia, Office of Public Employment in 1932 and 1933, 68% of work orders for women specified "Whites Only". In New York, black women were forced to go to separate agencies to Harlem in search of work. Black churches and church-related institutions, a traditional source of aid to blackcommunities have been overwhelmed by demand during 1930. Municipal shelters needed to "accept all" still reports that Catholic women and African Americans are "particularly difficult to place".
No one knows the number of homeless women in their thirties black, but it is certainly remarkable, and invisible to investigators mostly white. Instead, the media chose to focus on and awareness of the situation of white, homeless, Middle-collar "white working class" workers, because for1931 and 1932, the spread of unemployment of the middle class. White collar and a university education for women, generally used "to regular employment and stable home, has become the" new poor ". We do not know the roaming charges for these women, beyond a hypothesis, but of all the homeless people in urban areas, 10% were suggested by women. We know, however, that the demand for female beds in shelters rose from a little "more than 3,000 in 1920 to 56,808 in 1932 in a city and another,From 1929 -1930, demand has increased by 270%.
"Having an address is a luxury now ..."
Although these beds, however, were the last stop on the path of homelessness and are designed for "generally poor" women, and to avoid at all costs those who are homeless for the first time. A finite number in shelters, but most still have not been registered with an agency. Resources are scarce. House of emergency was limited to families with dependent children until 1934."Having an address is a luxury that only now" a woman said an unemployed social worker college in 1932.
These poor women in urban areas have recently been shocked and amazed, resulting from an unemployment office for the remainder next to Grand Central or Pennsylvania Station, then riding the subway all night (the room five-cent ") or sleep in the park, and ate in the denier of the kitchen. Slow to seek help and fear and shame of begging, these women have often been on the point ofstarvation before asking for help. They were, according to a report, often "the saddest and hardest to help." Women "hunger slowly in furnished rooms. They sold furniture, clothing, and their bodies. "
Emancipated women and gender myths
If the cultural myths that women were not "worked" and those who were invisible. Their political spokesman was silent. Sex role has asked that women are "poor relative of someone who"returned to the farm cottage in difficult times to help at home, and took shelter. This food idyllic, mythical pre-industrial family homes were large enough to accommodate everyone. The new reality was much darker. Urban Flats, aunts, great as two or three rooms, needed "girl or" cousins "only" get by ". What remains of the family was often strained, oppressed, the overpopulated family which often contain seriousinternal strife.
In addition, few other than African-Americans were returning to rural roots. And it assumes that once the emancipation of women and tasting success in the past were "malleable". The role of women was a myth of the Out-of-date, but it was still powerful. The "new woman" of the Roaring Twenties was left faceless social during the Great Depression. Without a home - the epitome of femininity - was, ironically, ignored andinvisible.
"... Good Neighbors was extended beyond human endurance."
In fact, over half of these women who have never been married, while others have divorced, abandoned, separated or alleged to be widowed. We do not know how many women lesbians. Some were dependent parents, brothers and sisters who depended on them for support. Fewer have children living with their extended family. Women's wages have been historically low for the majority of female jobs, and hasSmall capacity substantial "savings" for emergencies, but most of these women were financially independent. Milwaukee, for example, 60% of those seeking help had been self-supporting in 1929. In New York, the figure was 85%. Their work available was often the most volatile and risky. Some had been unemployed for months while others for a year or more. With savings and insurance are gone, used their informal social networks. A social worker in 1931, late, had aSenate Committee that "good neighbor has been extended not only beyond its capacity, but beyond human endurance."
Older women are often discriminated against because of their age and long history of living outside of traditional family systems. When work is available, often known as the work has been done in Philadelphia, an application of white reporters and clerks, under (age) 25. "
The Invisible Woman
The effect of the Great Depression on women, then, asnow, is invisible to the eye. Tangible proof of Breadline, Hooverville, and men selling apples on street corners, do not contain images of urban women. Unemployment, hunger and homelessness was considered a "man" and the anguish and despair has been measured this way. In photographs and new, urban poor women have been neglected or not apparent. It was considered improper for a woman homeless, and are often hidden from public view, openedthrough doorways backwards, and fed in private.
In part, the problem was expectations. Homeless, while among men it was inflated periodically during periods of economic crisis since the Great Depression of 1890, a large number of homeless women "in house" are a new phenomenon. Public officials were not prepared: no children, were initially excluded from emergency shelters. A building with a capacity of 155 beds and six beds, has presented more than 56,000 "read" inthe third year of depression. However, these figures do not take into account the number of women refused because they were not white and Protestant.
As the depression wore on, who just want a way to make money, these women were excluded from the New Deal programs of work for helping the unemployed. The men were regarded as "breadwinners", a greater demand for participation in economic resources. While awareness and charities finally did emerge, were often insufficient to meetapplication.
Considering that black women were particularly hard time integrating participation in the economy during the Great Depression, which had some chance of finding another job within their communities, because of migration patterns only occurring during this period. White women, however, had the chance to keyhole when they were young and considerable skill, even if their skin color alone has given them greater access to all traditional work wasyet available.
The rejection of traditional gender roles and the desire for emancipation, however, put these women at high risk when the economy collapsed. In any case, single women, skin, both black and white, fared no worse and were invisible disease.
At the dawn of the Second Great Depression, which will be the new "invisible homeless" and women as a group to do better this time?
References:
Abelson, E. (2003, Spring2003). WomenNo men work for them homeless in general and the Great Depression, 1930-1934. Feminist Studies, 29 (1), 104. Retrieved January 2, 2009, from Academic Search Premier database.
Boyd, R. (2000, December). , Race disadvantage in the labor market, and Survivalist Entrepreneurship: black women in the urban North during the Great Depression. Sociological Forum, 15 (4), 647-670. Retrieved January 2, 2009, from Academic Search Premier database.
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